This post contains an undergraduate essay on the Syrians of Merovingian Gaul. In particular, it looks at those mentioned in Gregory of Tours’ writings. Based on feedback, I would probably now alter the argument a bit. Nevertheless, I found it interesting to tackle a subject that has barely been covered in the historiography.

The Syrians in Gregory of Tours’ Histories have not been adequately addressed. Apart from several scattered references, they have received no attention in scholarship.[1] This essay explains the community’s presence in Gaul by arguing the Syrians in the Histories originated from Syria, having migrated due to continuous upheaval in that region from the second quarter of the sixth century onwards. I will do this in three sections examining the different types of evidence available for understanding the Syrians. The first examines direct references to the Syrian community within Gaul. The second identifies how this evidence links to references to the region of Syria within Merovingian sources. The final section addresses any contextual or indirect evidence which aids our understanding. This endeavour inevitably relies on conjecture, due to the paucity and complexity of the evidence available. Nevertheless, my efforts are not in vain and it will become clear studying the Syrians of Gaul is not only possible, but also increases our knowledge of Merovingian society.

The Syrian Community in Gaul

In this section, I will examine the references to Syrians in Gregory of Tours’ Histories. These form the only evidence available for the community in the late sixth century. I analyse these separate to references on the region of Syria, to avoid approaching the evidence with the presumption the ‘Syrians’ automatically come from there.

The earliest reference to the Syrians is Book VII, Chapter 31.[2] Several insights are offered by this passage. In it, the ‘pretender’ Gundovald arrives in Bordeaux where he has Bishop Bertram’s support. Upon arrival, Gundovald hears a certain king ‘in Eastern parts’ has obtained Saint Sergius’s thumb.[3] As a result, he queries about this saint’s relics and finds out a Syrian, named Eufronius, holds the thumb. The first detail identifiable here is Eufronius’ association with ‘Eastern parts.’ The passage does not outright state he is from Syria, but it nevertheless draws a link to the Eastern Mediterranean. This will be reinforced, when I examine the relic and its relation to Gregory’s Miracula later.

Further details emerge later. Mummolus, supporting Gundovald, tries to steal the relic and breaks it, causing Eufronius to cry. After this, the Syrian, Gundovald and Mummolus pray to reveal the scattered fragments. However, the latter most still steals one.[4] Eufronius’ depiction is overwhelmingly positive, with his veneration of the relic and despair at its damage emblematic of Gregory’s idea of piety. Arguably, this is because the Syrian is not this passage’s focus and he is simply a foil showing Gundovald’s faults. However, Mummolus receives more criticism than Gundovald in this passage and as shown by Wood, Gregory’s attitude to the alleged pretender is not simplistic.[5] Gregory is therefore genuine in his portrayal of the Syrian’s piety. This suggests Eufronius was integrated into Gallic society; Gregory does not treat him differently to other pious ‘role models’ throughout his Histories.

Finally, there are indications Eufronius had been living in Bordeaux for a significant time. Gregory notes during a previous fire in Bordeaux, Eufronius’ house was untouched.[6] Furthermore, when Gundovald and Mummolus harass him, he complains ‘I am an old man.’[7] Therefore, this passage suggests a Syrian had been living in Gaul for a lengthy period. However, no specifics are given. Eufronius could have been living in Gaul for years, decades or his entire life, we cannot tell from the Histories. Likewise, there is no indication whether he was a first generation migrant or a descendant of previous Syrians living in Gaul. Nevertheless, the duration of Eufronius’ time in Gaul is an important detail.

The second passage in the Histories about the Syrians concerns Guntram’s entry into Orleans in Book VIII, Chapter 1.[8] The Burgundian King, now the most powerful ruler in Gaul, receives a celebratory welcome. Syrians are in the diverse crowd chanting upon his arrival. According to Gregory, ‘the speech of the Syrians contrasted sharply with that of those using Gallo-Roman and again with that of the Jews, as they each sang his praises.’[9] However, there are numerous problems when using this passage.

Firstly, as Goffart suggests, it does not show the existence of a language barrier between Syrians and other members of Gallic society.[10] Using multiple languages is a topoi associated with the Roman tradition of adventus; a ceremony of entering the city following military triumph. Gregory deliberately mentions multiple languages here to emphasise festivity, it is not representative of reality. Gregory, despite his protestations, was evidently well educated. The problem of separating literary technique from reality applies as much to the Syrians as to the entire Histories. [11]

Secondly, a recurring theme, there is simply not much we can say about the Syrians from the evidence available. Most of this passage is concerned with Guntram’s triumph and his negative response to the Jewish community. For Gregory, the Syrians here are only relevant due to their importance for the adventus topoi. Overall, he is indifferent. We could invite comparisons between the Jews and Syrians based on this passage. However, this is risky. For example, it does not show Gregory is inherently more hostile towards Jews than Syrians. Gregory’s attitude towards the Jews here is different to his apathetic reaction to the murder of Armentarius or his implication they have poor theological understanding during Avitus’ conversions.[12] If we can draw any comparison, it is Gregory’s attitude towards different communities depends a passage’s individual context.

The final passage on the Syrian community is Book X, Chapter 26. This is about the election of Eusebius, a ‘Syrian by race’ to the Bishopric of Paris, following Bishop Ragnemod’s death.[13] Brennan has used this passage as an example of social mobility, stating it shows how even foreigners could gain an important cathedral.[14] It may be representative of social mobility, but there is no reason to believe Eusebius would have been seen as a ‘outsider’. Gaul was a diverse society; the passage reflects the Syrians’ integration rather than the Gallic aristocracy being penetrated by foreigners.

This is supported by Gregory’s reaction to Eusebius’ alleged bribery and his replacement of Ragnemod’s household with more Syrians. Gregory does not treat the Syrians in this passage different to other corrupt ecclesiasts, there is no indication he believes their ‘foreignness’ makes them more susceptible to crime. In fact, his treatment of the Syrians is less damning than his commentary on some ‘standard’ Gallic clergymen. For example, when Transobadus holds a feast to aid his attempts at succession to the Bishorpic of Rodez, a priest who began a ‘shameful’ attack on the former Bishop Dalmatius was poisoned.[15] Gregory may be partially negative towards Eusebius, but there is no reason to suggest this is because he is Syrian, especially when considered alongside his treatment of Eufronius.

A smaller point can be made from the passages discussed. The Syrians mentioned were from Bordeaux, Paris and Orleans. They were found in the north and the south and were not concentrated in a single geographic area. Therefore, the Syrian community was integrated across all Gaul.

So far, I have summarised the evidence available for Syrians in the Histories. However, an additional piece of evidence needs to be considered. Salvian, writing in the fifth century, states ‘crowds of Syrian merchants have occupied the greater part of nearly all cities.’[16] Does this suggest the Syrians had been living in Gaul for over a century? Not necessarily, the reference needs analysing within the passages’ ethnographic context. Salvian also writes ‘Let us compare the pursuits, morals and vices of the barbarians with ours’, before suggesting ‘The Franks are treacherous’ and ‘The Saxons are savage’.[17] The passage is full of classical ethnographic tropes and it is difficult to separate reality from textual purpose, when using it to understand how long the Syrian community had existed in Gaul.

This section has introduced numerous points originating from direct evidence for the Syrians of Gaul. A summary is necessary, as these points will be developed in relation to other forms of evidence throughout the essay. Firstly, the Syrians were well integrated into Gallic society. Secondly, Gregory was either disinterested towards them or altered his view depending on the context. Finally, the Syrians mentioned had been living in Gaul for a while, but the evidence is not specific.

The Region of Syria in Gallic Sources

I have discussed the evidence available for understanding the Syrian community in Gaul. I will now cover evidence for the region of Syria within Gregory’s works and other Gallic sources. By doing this, it will be possible to draw connections between the points made in the previous section and an explanation for a Syrian community existing in Gaul.

I will firstly examine Gregory’s Miracula which contain numerous references to the region of Syria, but none about Syrians living in Gaul. The most important account is Saint Sergius’ in The Glory of the Martyrs.[18] It mostly contains standard Holy Man tropes, but when compared to the account of Eufronius in the Histories it gains significance; creating a link between the ‘Syrians’ of Gaul and Syria itself. Sergius is associated with Syria, so Eufronius obtaining his finger-bone shows in Gregory’s mind the Syrians and Syria were conceived together.[19] The translation of relics from East to West was not unheard of, as shown by Radegund’s acquisition of the pieces of the True Cross.[20] Likewise, Eufronius acquiring a relic of Sergius does not necessarily mean he came from the same area as him. Nevertheless, this link, if tenuous, is the most convincing piece of evidence for the ‘Syrians’ originating from Syria.

However, while the Miracula allow us to draw a link between the Syrians and Syria, they cannot tell us when or how they migrated to Gaul. A number of saints from Syria, stretching back as far as the fourth century, are mentioned in Gregory’s Miracula. However, examining them is problematic. Firstly, the relevant passages are ambiguous. Gregory writes ‘The martyr Phocas came from the same region as these martyrs [Cosmas and Damianus]. Phocas is buried in Syria’.[21] It is implied Phocas is from Syria, but Gregory never outrightly states it. It is irrelevant to his pedagogical aims. This problem is encountered again when he writes ‘Domitius is another martyr from this region’.[22] It is likely these saints are from Syria, but Gregory leaves room for interpretation.

A further problem is none of the saints from Syria in the Miracula physically travel to Gaul. St Abraham is an exception, after escaping captivity from ‘pagans’ he decides to ‘visit western shores’ and comes to the Auvergne, establishing a monastery.[23] Yet, it is debatable if Gregory would have even thought of Abraham as Syrian. Abraham ‘was born on the river banks of the Euphrates.’[24] The Euphrates passes through the modern state of Syria. However, sixth-century Syria had different boundaries.  According to the geographer Hierocles, the river passed through Euphratexia, but this was considered separate from the Roman Provinces of Syria I and Syria II.[25] Administrative boundaries do not always reflect popular reality, but it cannot be stated with confidence Gregory thought of Abraham as a Syrian. Therefore, not a single saint from Syria covered in the Miracula travelled to Gaul. Likewise, as these saints came from the fourth or fifth century, we can conclude there is no clear evidence for Syrians existing in Gaul before the sixth century.

Critics may raise my earlier suggestion the Syrians were integrated contradicts with the idea they may not have been present in Gaul before the sixth century. This is not true. Gaul was a society containing multiple peoples, such as Jews, Bretons, Taifals and Thuringians.[26] It is unlikely assimilation into a diverse society like Gaul would have taken long. A useful parallel is found in Ostrogothic Italy, scholars like Amory and Arnold have revealed the boundaries between Goths and Romans were fluid, even though Ostrogothic control of Italy only lasted half a century.[27] In Late Antiquity, a group like the Syrians integrating into Gallic society over a few decades was entirely possible. Furthermore, I am not ruling out the possibility of a Syrian community existing in Gaul before the sixth century. I am simply stating the evidence available cannot be used to argue this.

However, the Miracula do show the context that would have allowed later ‘migrations’ to occur. In particular, the role of the Holy Man needs consideration. Brown placed the rise of the Holy Man in the context of a variety of social, economic and cultural conditions in Late Antique Syria.[28] The Holy Man rose in communities requiring a patron or mediator.[29] Corbett has shown these ideas equally apply to Gaul.[30] Revealing how religious ideas or concepts could be spread or shared across the Mediterranean. The case of the fifth-century St Symeon the Stylite is representative of this. In The Glory of the Confessors, St Symeon stands on a pillar in the region of Antioch, offering cures to the inhabitants.[31] Meanwhile, in the Histories, the sixth-century Vulfolaic the Lombard is chastised by bishops for imitating him.[32] As Gregory was writing these passages over a century after Symeon’s life, they reveal how influential ideas originating in Syria were across the Mediterranean.

However, the transmission of ideas does not necessarily equate to physical movement of people. The Miracula may be used to argue that ideas originating in Syria were important in Gaul before the sixth century, but they are not evidence for the existence of an earlier Syrian community. Nevertheless, the transmission of these ideas suggest the traditional East/West binary used to understand the Late Antique Mediterranean is faulty. As Brown suggests, treating the Eastern Mediterranean as a world apart is detrimental to scholarship [33] Likewise, Petersen has challenged a prominent misconception, ‘A rigid distinction cannot be drawn between the living Holy Man as healer in Eastern Christendom and the dead man healing from his tomb in the west.’[34] In other words, the Miracula, with their Holy Men from Syria, illustrate the cultural conditions or homogeneity which made later migrations more possible or allowed Syrians to integrate quicker. However, overall, they cannot be used as evidence for Syrians in Gaul prior to the sixth century.

I have suggested the available evidence does not indicate the existence of a Syrian community in Gaul before the sixth century. I will now examine evidence which correlates with this, by indicating the plausibility of a ‘migration’ more recent to Gregory’s writings.

Firstly, by looking at passages referring to the region of Syria in the Histories. The earliest references are in Book I and concern Ignatius and Babylas, early Bishops of Antioch.[35] However, these are representative of the Biblical themes at the beginning of the Histories and are of limited use here. Book IV, Chapter 40 is more useful. It describes how after Sigibert’s envoys return from the Emperor Tiberius, ‘the two great cities of Antioch in Egypt and Apamea in Syria were captured by the Persians and their people led off into slavery’, although it is unclear if Gregory is referring to the 540 or 572/3 conquests.[36] Whereas, Book X, Chapter 24, describes the earthquake of 589, albeit with religious undertones, which destroyed half of Antioch.[37] Syria was certainly not a safe place to live during these years. It is unsurprising then, a Bishop called Simon, decided to flee to Gaul in 591 after escaping captivity to tell Gregory about some of these events.[38]

Do these passages indicate the Syrians living in Gaul were recent refugees? Several issues need discussing. Gregory certainly shows a lack of knowledge about Syria, by suggesting Antioch is in Egypt.[39] Likewise, we are left wondering why it took Gregory almost twenty years to learn about the invasions of Syria in 572/573.  Furthermore, many of the passages described in the first section of this essay occur before Simon’s visit in 591. Nevertheless, Gregory’s ignorance does not rule out the possibility of refugees coming from Syria.  It will become clear his lack of knowledge may simply be disinterest, resulting from the fact this process had already been going on for several decades.

Other Gallic sources also illustrate why Syrians may have moved. Venantius Fortunatus is the least useful, his work may contain references to Persia, but these are only in Apostolic and ethnographic contexts.[40] Fredegar provides more information.  His statement Gregory of Antioch was godfather to the Persian Emperor Arnaulf during his alleged conversion is problematic, given the dubious content of the passage.[41] However, we can infer from Fredegar, the Romano-Persian Wars were an ongoing problem for Syria because ‘under the Emperors Maurice and Phocas a great many provinces had been devastated by Persian attacks’.[42] Nevertheless, Fredegar was writing later than Gregory. His statements could indicate why Syrians continued moving to Gaul, but they do not explain the initial presence of the Syrians in the Histories.

In this section, I have made several points. Firstly, the Syrians in the Histories are likely from the region of Syria. Secondly, there is no evidence to indicate they were in Gaul before the sixth century. Finally, Gregory and Fredegar offer clues, though not explicitly, which indicate the Syrians were relative newcomers to Gaul.

Contextual and Indirect Evidence

I will now examine a range of contextual and indirect evidence supporting the last suspicion. Concurrently, this will also strengthen the link between the ‘Syrians’ of Gaul and Syria. Firstly, several sources reinforce the conviction the Romano-Persian Wars were having a devastating impact on Syria. Menander, the Imperial historian most contemporary to Gregory, covers the years 557/558-582. This source only survives in fragments, so it is hard to get a full narrative of how the wars affected Syria, especially as we get closer to the timeframe of the Histories’ later books.[43] However, Menander still refers to the conquest of Antioch of 540, citing ‘at the beginning of this war the Romans were so averse to fighting that the Persians were able to advance to Apamea and Antioch.’[44] The events were devastating enough to still be remembered for over a decade. Procopius, although not contemporary to Gregory, provides more detail. When Persians invaded Syria in 540, some of the population of Antioch ‘departed from there with their money and fled’.[45] The inhabitants of the city ‘were visited with every form of misfortune’.[46] While we cannot presume these precise Syrians fled to Gaul, the Imperial historians allow us to identify motives for why individuals may have. Merovingian Gaul was not free of conflict, but it never experienced anything like the scale of the Romano-Persian Wars.

However, there were other incentives for Syrians to migrate to Gaul during the sixth century. The Crisis of the Three Chapters may have motivated certain clerics. I cannot give a detailed account here, however a brief introduction of the controversy is necessary.[47] In 532/533, the Emperor Justinian condemned certain writings of Theoderet of Cyrrhus and Ibas of Edessa. This is because their reinstatement to the Church at the Council of Chalcedon (451) was seen by many as endorsing their views.[48] Their Christology was supportive of the ‘Antiochene’ school stating Christ has two distinct components, the Son of God and Son of Mary (in which the manhood is still united enough to share divine honours, without compromising the Godhead). In contrast to the view most prominent in Chalcedonian Christianity, stating the Son and Manhood were united in the Godhead.[49] Critics could raise suggesting doctrinal dispute motivated ‘migration’ contradicts my point about Mediterranean unity. However, this is not the case. The concept of the Holy Man is a vague and wider concept; the specificities of theology would not have undermined its appeal. Nonetheless, Justinian’s actions would have annoyed many Syrian clerics whose views aligned closely with the condemned writers.

How is this relevant? There are several reasons clerics in particular may have moved to Gaul as a response to these events, though the evidence is sketchy. Firstly, the Syrians described in the Histories could be dissenters to the ‘Antiochene’ view escaping to the West. There are several reasons to think this. Gregory never criticises any Syrians living in Gaul on theological grounds, in fact his description of Eufronius’ faith can only be termed positive.[50] He also has no qualms about criticising heretics, as shown by his debates with Aglian the Arian and also one of his priests over the resurrection of the body.[51] If the Syrians living in Gaul held ‘heretical’ views Gregory would certainly have highlighted them. Likewise, presumably not every cleric in Syria would have held a homogenous theological view, even if the sources available often make this appear the case.[52] Therefore, there is reason to believe the Syrians in Gaul could have been dissenters to ‘Antiochene’ theology.  Alternatively, a radical variation could look at how the response to Justinian’s condemnations in the West was not universally positive. Many thought his actions undermined the entirety of the Council of Chalcedon.[53] If the Gallic response was negative, ‘Antiochene’ Syrians could have fled to Gaul on a ‘enemy of my enemy’ basis. Finally, Wood suggests it is difficult to identify the impact of The Three Chapters Controversy in Gaul.[54] In this way, Gregory could just be ignorant of the finer points of the Syrians’ theology. However, this risks doing Gregory a disservice, his credo at the beginning of Book I makes his knowledge clear, stating ‘The Person of Son [is] One’.[55] Therefore, while the evidence allows us to hypothesise several reasons Syrians could have moved to Gaul as a response to the controversy, it is hard to argue anything specific.

Further reasons for Syrians moving to Gaul are highlighted by archaeology. Kennedy describes how the recurring appearance of the Justinianic Plague from 541 onwards correlates with settlement expansion slowing in urban and rural Syria, even if the evidence itself is incapable of telling us if the plague was the cause.[56] Foss has similarly identified decline in Antioch, listing 14 disasters that occurred in the city from 525-610, including multiple conquests, plagues, earthquakes, an infestation, a drought and a major fire.[57] Foss also states the decline in Antioch was exceptional in comparison with the rest of Syria.[58] However, we must not underestimate the potential impact of devastation in one city. Antioch was the political and ecclesiastical centre of Syria, as well as its largest city.[59] Its catastrophic time in the sixth century could have certainly motivated Syrians to flee.

This section has examined multiple reasons why Syrians may have ‘moved’ to Gaul in the sixth century. The inciting events were spread across time, starting from around the second quarter of the sixth century and continuing into the early seventh. Therefore, the Syrian migration to Gaul was continuous during this era, there was not a single mass movement. By the time Gregory was writing the Histories, there would have been enough time for some Syrians to be integrated due to the dynamism of Late Antiquity. Furthermore, while the evidence in this section can tell us why the Syrians may have wanted to move, it difficult to say why they would have chosen Gaul in particular.  As any ‘migration’ was an ongoing process, Gallic commentators may have overlooked explaining it due to its everyday nature. Nevertheless, the evidence available has severe limitations.

Conclusion   

This essay has argued the Syrians described by Gregory of Tours are mainly refugees fleeing from a series of events and transformations occurring in the region of Syria from around 525 onwards. I have done this by examining the available evidence in three sections. Firstly, by looking at the evidence referring specifically to the community in Gaul. Then by analysing references to Syria in Gallic sources and finally by looking at a range of contextual and indirect evidence. Due to the limitations of the evidence available this study inevitably raises more questions than it answers, relying on conjecture. Nevertheless, areas still could be addressed in future research. For example, further work is needed on how the Syrians so quickly integrated themselves into Gallic society. I have already proposed the idea of the Holy Man shows how Mediterranean unity could have been a factor. An examination of other ‘unifying’ factors, like literary culture, could be fruitful.[60] Nevertheless, this essay has provided a much-needed background for the Syrians of Gaul.

Bibliography

Primary Souces:

Fredegar, Chronicle in The Fourth Book of The Chronicle of Fredegar and Continuations translated by John M. Wallace-Hadrill. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd, 1960.

Gregory of Tours, Ten Books of Histories in The History of the Franks translatedby Lewis Thorpe.London: Penguin, 1974.

Gregory of Tours, The Glory of the Confessors in Gregory of Tours: Glory of the Confessors translated by Raymond Van Dam. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1988.

Gregory of Tours, The Glory of the Martyrs in Gregory of Tours: Glory of the Martyrs translated by Raymond Van Dam. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1988.

Gregory of Tours, The Life of the Fathers in Gregory of Tours: Life of the Fathers translated by Edward James. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1985.

Menander, History in The History of Menander the Guardsmen: Introductory Essay, Text, Translation and Historiographical Notes translated by Roger C. Blockley. Liverpool: F. Cairns, 1985.

Procopius, History of the Wars in Procopius, Volume I: Books 1-2 translated by William H. Dewey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914.

Salvian, The Governance of God in The Writings of Salvian the Presbyter translated by Jeremiah F. O’Sullivan. Washington: The Catholic University of America Press, 2008.

Venantius Fortunatus, Poems in Venantius Fortunatus: Personal and Political Poems translated by Judith W. George. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1995.

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Amory, Patrick. People and identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489-554.  Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Arnold, Jonathan J. Theoderic and the Roman Imperial Restoration. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014.

Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World edited by Richard J.A Talbert. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000.

Brennan, Brian. “Senators and Social Mobility in Sixth-century Gaul.” Journal of Medieval History 11, no. 2 (1985): 145-61.

Brock, Sebastian. Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity.  London: Variorum Reprints, 1984.

Brown, Peter. Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity.  Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982.

———. “The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity.” The Journal of Roman Studies 61 (1971): 80-101.

Corbett, John H. “Praesentium signorum munera: The Cult of the Saints in the World of Gregory of Tours.” Florilegium 5 (1983): 44-61.

———. “The Saint as Patron in the Work of Gregory of Tours.” Journal of Medieval History 7, no. 1 (1981): 1-13.

Foss, Clive. “Syria in Transition, AD 550-750: An Archaeological Approach.” In Late Antiquity on the Eve of Islam, edited by Averil Cameron, 171-276. Farnham: Ashgate Variorum, 2013.

Goffart, Walter. “Foreigners in the Histories of Gregory of Tours.” Florilegium 4 (1982): 80-99.

Heather, Peter. “Literacy and Power in the Migration Period.” In Literacy and Power in the Ancient World, edited by Alan K. Bowman and Greg Woolf. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

Kennedy, Hugh. “Antioch: From Byzantium to Islam and Back Again.” In The City in Late Antiquity, edited by John Rich, 181-98. London: Routledge, 1992.

———. “Justinianic Plague in Syria and the Archaelogical Evidence.” In Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of 541-750, edited by Lester K. Little, 87-98. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

Markus, Robert A. and Claire Sotina. “Introduction.” In The Crisis of the Oikoumene: The Three Chapters and the Failed Quest for Unity in the Sixth-Century Mediterranean, edited by Celia Chazelle and Catherine Cubitt, 1-16. Turnhout: Brepols, 2007.

Mathisen, Ralph W. People, Personal Expression and Social Relations in Late Antiquity. Vol. 1, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2003.

Moreira, Isabel. “Provisatrix Optima: St. Radegund of Poitiers’ Relic Petitions to the East.” Journal of Medieval History 19, no. 4 (1993): 285-305.

Petersen, Joan M. “Dead or Alive? The Holy Man as Healer in East and West in the Late Sixth Century.” Journal of Medieval History 9, no. 2 (1983): 91-98.

Price, Richard M. “The Three Chapters Controversy and The Council of Chalcedon.” In The Crisis of the  Oikoumene : The Three Chapters and the Failed Quest for Unity in the Sixth-Century Mediterranean, edited by Celia Chazelle and Catherine Cubitt, 17-37. Turnhout: Brepols, 2007.

Wood, Ian. “The Franks and Papal Theology, 550-660.” In The Crisis of the  Oikoumene : The Three Chapters and the Failed Quest for Unity in the Sixth-Century Mediterranean, edited by Celia Chazelle and Catherine Cubitt, 223-41. Turnhout: Brepols, 2007.

———. “The Secret Histories of Gregory of Tours.” Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Historie 71-2 (1993).

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[1] Walter Goffart, “Foreigners in the Histories of Gregory of Tours,” Florilegium 4 (1982): 86, 88.

[2] Gregory of Tours, Ten Books of Histories VII: 31 in The History of the Franks translatedby Lewis Thorpe(London: Penguin, 1974), 413-414.

[3] Gregory of Tours, Histories VII: 31 in The History of the Franks, 413.

[4] Gregory of Tours, Histories VII: 31 in The History of the Franks, 413-414.

[5] Ian Wood, “The Secret Histories of Gregory of Tours,” Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Historie 71-2 (1993): 264-65.

[6] Gregory of Tours, Histories VII: 31 in The History of the Franks, 413.

[7] Gregory of Tours, Histories VII: 31 in The History of the Franks, 413.

[8] Gregory of Tours, Histories VIII:1 in The History of the Franks, 433-434.

[9] Gregory of Tours, Histories VIII:1 in The History of the Franks, 433.

[10] Goffart, “Foreigners in the Histories of Gregory of Tours,” 88.

[11] Gregory of Tours, Histories I: Preface in The History of the Franks, 67.

[12] Gregory of Tours, Histories VII:23; V:11 in The History of the Franks, 405-406; 265-267.

[13] Gregory of Tours, Histories X:26 in The History of the Franks, 586.

[14] Brian Brennan, “Senators and Social Mobility in Sixth-century Gaul,” Journal of Medieval History 11, no. 2 (1985): 151.

[15] Gregory of Tours, Histories V:46 in The History of the Franks, 312-313.

[16] Salvian, The Governance of God IV:14 in The Writings of Salvian the Presbyter translated by Jeremiah F. O’Sullivan (Washington: The Catholic University of America Press, 2008), 115.

[17] Salvian, The Governance of God IV:14 in The Writings of Salvian, 114-115.

[18] Gregory of Tours, The Glory of the Martyrs: 96 in Gregory of Tours: Glory of the Martyrs translated by Raymond Van Dam (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1988), 121.

[19] Gregory of Tours, The Glory of the Martyrs: 96 in Glory of the Martyrs, 121.

[20] Isabel Moreira, “Provisatrix Optima: St. Radegund of Poitiers’ Relic Petitions to the East,” Journal of Medieval History 19, no. 4 (1993).

[21] Gregory of Tours, The Glory of the Martyrs: 98 in Glory of the Martyrs, 122.

[22] Gregory of Tours, The Glory of the Martyrs: 99 in Glory of the Martyrs, 123.

[23] Gregory of Tours, The Life of the Fathers: III in Gregory of Tours: Life of the Fathers translated by Edward James (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1985), 18-19.

[24] Gregory of Tours, The Life of the Fathers: III in Life of the Fathers, 18.

[25] Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World ed. Rchard J.A.Talbert (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).

[26] Gregory of Tours, Histories I-X: Passim in The History of the Franks, 63-604.

[27] Patrick Amory, People and identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489-554 (Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Jonathan J. Arnold, Theoderic and the Roman Imperial Restoration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 138.

[28] Peter Brown, “The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity,” The Journal of Roman Studies 61 (1971): 83-86. Peter Brown, Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 155-61.

[29]Brown, “The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity,” 85-86. 6

[30] John H. Corbett, “The Saint as Patron in the Work of Gregory of Tours,” Journal of Medieval History 7, no. 1 (1981); John H. Corbett, “Praesentium signorum munera: The Cult of the Saints in the World of Gregory of Tours,” Florilegium 5 (1983).

[31] Gregory of Tours, The Glory of the Confessors: 26 in Gregory of Tours: Glory of the Confessors translated by Raymond Van Dam (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1988), 41.

[32] Gregory of Tours, Histories VIII: 15 in The History of the Franks, 447.

[33] Brown, Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity, 171.

[34] Joan M. Petersen, “Dead or Alive? The Holy Man as Healer in East and West in the Late Sixth Century,” Journal of Medieval History 9, no. 2 (1983): 91.

[35] Gregory of Tours, Histories I:27; I:30 in The History of the Franks, 85; 86.

[36] Gregory of Tours, Histories IV:40 in The History of the Franks, 235

[37] Gregory of Tours, Histories X:24 in The History of the Franks, 583.

[38] Gregory of Tours, Histories X:24 in The History of the Franks, 582-583.

[39] Gregory of Tours, Histories: IV:40 in the History of the Franks, 235.

[40] Venantius Fortunatus, Poems 5:2, 6:5 in Venantius Fortunatus: Personal and Political Poems translated by Judith W. George (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1995), 18; 46.

[41]Fredegar, Chronicle IV:9 in The Fourth Book of The Chronicle of Fredegar and Continuations translated by John M. Wallace-Hadrill (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd, 1960), 7-9.

[42] Fredegar, Chronicle IV:63 in The Chronicle of Fredegar and Continuations, 52.

[43] Menander, History in The History of Menander the Guardsmen: Introductory Essay, Text, Translation and Historiographical Notes translated by Roger C. Blockley (Liverpool: F. Cairns, 1985).

[44] Menander, History, Fragment 26.1-3 in The History of Menander, 235.

[45] Procopius, History of the Wars II: VIII in Procopius, Volume I: Books 1-2 translated by William H. Dewey (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), 325.

[46] Procopius, History of the Wars II: IX in Procopius, 341-342.

[47] Robert A. Markus and Claire Sotina, “Introduction,” in The Crisis of the Oikoumene: The Three Chapters and the Failed Quest for Unity in the Sixth-Century Mediterranean, ed. Celia Chazelle and Catherine Cubitt (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007).

[48] Richard M. Price, “The Three Chapters Controversy and The Council of Chalcedon,” in The Crisis of the  Oikoumene: The Three Chapters and the Failed Quest for Unity in the Sixth-Century Mediterranean, ed. Celia Chazelle and Catherine Cubitt (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 17.

[49] Price, “The Three Chapters Controversy and The Council of Chalcedon,” 18.

[50] Gregory of Tours, Histories VII:31 in The History of the Franks, 413-416

[51] Gregory of Tours, Histories V:42; X:13 in The History of the Franks, 307-310; 560-566.

[52] Sebastian Brock, Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity (London: Variorum Reprints, 1984), XI, 532.

[53] Price, “The Three Chapters Controversy and The Council of Chalcedon,” 18.

[54] Ian Wood, “The Franks and Papal Theology, 550-660,” in The Crisis of the  Oikoumene: The Three Chapters and the Failed Quest for Unity in the Sixth-Century Mediterranean, ed. Celia Chazelle and Catherine Cubitt (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007)

[55] Gregory of Tours, Histories I: Preface in the History of the Franks, 68.

[56] Hugh Kennedy, “Justinianic Plague in Syria and the Archaelogical Evidence,” in Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of 541-750, ed. Lester K. Little (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 15-20.

[57] Clive Foss, “Syria in Transition, AD 550-750: An Archaeological Approach,” in Late Antiquity on the Eve of Islam, ed. Averil Cameron (Farnham: Ashgate Variorum, 2013), 172-173.

[58] Foss, “Syria in Transition, AD 550-750: An Archaeological Approach,” 264-265.

[59] Hugh Kennedy, “Antioch: From Byzantium to Islam and Back Again,” in The City in Late Antiquity, ed. John Rich (London: Routledge, 1992), 181.

[60] Ralph W. Mathisen, People, Personal Expression and Social Relations in Late Antiquity, vol. 1 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2003), 16; Peter Heather, “Literacy and Power in the Migration Period,” in Literacy and Power in the Ancient World, ed. Alan K. Bowman and Greg Woolf (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 185.